In mid-September, Mahsa Amini faced a tragic death, causing civil unrest in over 50 Iranian cities. Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khomeini's rise to power after the Islamic Revolution of 1979 symbolized the start of repression of women with the enactment of mandatory hijab/chador laws. Since the revolution, women have protested and encountered severe violence, burning their veils as a symbol of their desire for choice and freedom. The current Iranian government crafted the Gasht-e-Ershad, the morality police. The morality police monitor and arrest those who fail to promote virtue such as following the Islamic dress code, with a focus on women in recent years. Mahsa Amini fell prey to the morality police, having been arrested and beaten to death for wearing her veil “improperly”. Her death in September of 2022 unveils significant historical connections and prospective political implications.

Western, mainstream news sites and social media portray Amini’s death as a result of an oppressive religion named Islam, continuing the binary equating “hijab” to “lack of freedom” and “no hijab” to “freedom.” Much of this narrative is also exacerbated by the lack of information directly from Iran due to internet blackouts hosted by the government. However, the construction of this binary suppresses the voice of Iranians who are actively displaying their discontent with the whole regime due to the decades of repression by the Islamic Republic. This binary creates a reductionist view of the political, social, and cultural nuances behind Amini’s death. Although society constantly separates events and issues into two polarizing sides, international solidarity and aid to the Iranians require the recognition of Islam both as a religion and as a political tool. It is necessary to see beyond the binary, beyond the notion that the hijab and the religion are what Muslim women need “saving” from. 

It is important to note that these protests are not a “Free Women from Islam” movement; they are a movement to free Iranians from an Islamist government. Islamists constitute a separate cohort of Muslims, seeking to merge the religious and political spheres and entertaining the notion of political Islam. With the goal to uphold Islamic “sharia” law, Islamists utilize democracy as a tool to advance their religious agendas. 
Recently, renowned professors from George Mason University, the University of Austin Texas, Northwestern University, and many other institutions engaged in a talk. Titled “In Her Name,” the talk was conducted by Jadaliyya, an ezine, or online magazine, under the Arab Studies Institute. The discourse centered around contextualizing the current protests within the broader scope of transnational feminist movements across Iran, as well as political and cultural shifts across Iranian history which enhance the narrative of the protests. The panelists note explicitly, basing their reasoning on personal anecdotes and research on the intersectionality of gender and violence, that the Iranian Constitution, legal codes, and parts of the Quran actually advocate for gender equality. For example, Article 11 of the Iranian Constitution states that the regime needs to ensure the equality of women and men in all aspects in accordance with the Constitution. With the facade of democracy and misuse of political institutions, the Iranian government has distorted the presence of Islam within society. 

Women also faced severe restrictions beyond hijab/chador laws. Since the Iranian Revolution of 1979, women were forced to leave crucial government positions, had their access to education and work restricted, and were barred from entrance to sporting events. These restrictions were implemented due to the changing political structure and the culmination of decisions by both political and religious groups. Utilizing the political structure, the recent government implemented the morality police, which has led to protests by Iranian youth. All of these protests unify their grievances which were revealed throughout previous protests.

The fight for women’s right to bodily autonomy and freedom within Iran has become the center stage of a broader issue of long-term ethnic oppression. The woman's body is and has been the launchpad of past and present movements. Amini’s death prompted women, ethnic minorities, and many others to speak against the government. Over the past five years, Iran has experienced a multitude of protests mainly led by the youth against corruption, unemployment, labor, water, food prices, lack of representation, a weakened economy and welfare state, and increased government repression. Global media should focus on how the fight demonstrates the intersectionality of the religious, social, economic, and political factors within Iran’s government—not just the hijab. The morality police and increasing violence surrounding the hijab served as the match in the powder barrel; although the reasons for protests had been different since the Iranian Revolution, the diversity of protestors at the scenes displayed by the media reveals their grievances from the restrictions imposed on the socioeconomic well-being of Iran. Iranians are standing up, and reducing the protests to Islam or the hijab as the oppressor removes years of history and nuances present within the underlying crackdown by the Iranians.
Such narratives also separate Iranian women from the overall population, emphasizing the notion that they are severely oppressed and their rights revolve solely around the hijab. Iranian women are just as impacted by high rates of unemployment, as they are barred purposefully from certain government or high-ranking jobs. Iranian women are just as impacted by the rise in gas prices, losing money to the hands of the government for the treasury. Iranian women are just as impacted by the rising corruption within the political structure, being unable to choose their representatives as new political officials are pre-determined by existing officials. Elections are a political weapon to establish a facade of democracy. Separating the voices of Iranian women from the other protests which have intertwined the various aspects of the Iranian regime erases their participation as a citizen and emphasizes the dichotomy of gender. Although it is necessary to emphasize the role of restrictions on women and how gender (specifically the binary of men and women) affects social and political dynamics, we must avoid reducing women’s role in politics to this narrow scope. Non-hijab protests are vital to recognizing women’s sovereignty and autonomy as citizens. The death of Amini is a symbol of the larger issues present within the regime. This is how we should portray solidarity and support for Iranian women: by opening the current narrative and conversation to historical nuances. We need to remove their position as solely the subaltern or a voiceless group. In reality, these women have a huge impact. We need to recognize their presence and that they are subject to more secular issues.  

Cultural awareness is integral to creating change. We can not move forward nor enact necessary change if we do not take the required time to learn the facts of the case. Certain events aren’t meant to be taken at face value, as we see within the headlines or short social media posts. Moreover, the context in which we live impacts how we view issues. The US and Iran have various parallels. For example, for many years, especially since 9/11, we have viewed Islam as related to terrorism and oppression. We consider the hijab as a form of oppression. In Iran, they could also view us as oppressive since we frown upon the hijab, discriminating against Muslim Americans within the country. It’s all a matter of perspective. Moreover, there is no outright denial of the hijab; it boils down to the idea of freedom and choice in when to wear it and if it will be worn as consistently as the morality police and Iranian government expect. 

Another parallel is the idea of systemic oppression which exists in both countries but in different contexts. A popular and relevant example would be police brutality. Within the United States, police brutality and systemic oppression have been prevalent since the late 19th century, targeting minorities and immigrants; police have gone from particularly raiding homosexual bars in the mid-1900s to attacking African-Americans for simply taking late-night walks in recent years. Within Iran as well, modesty police have been instituted to target particular groups, mainly women who are not following the dress code. Many have reported stories of being arrested for their physical appearance such as wearing lipstick or improper shoes even before the modesty police were formally instituted, revealing the existence of implicit restrictions sustained since 1979. Despite exemplifying distinct forms of government, both systems retain brutal records of police action, often oppressing a minority group. 

Recognizing context and perspective will allow Western media and society to stray away from the notion built since 9/11 that Islam is dangerous. The use of Islam within political institutions is what is actually dangerous. The rising ignorance of the cultural phenomena and current events within Iran when viewing Amini’s death is dangerous. The lack of intervention or condemnation by other nations is dangerous. Splitting any issue into two parts is a great way to start with learning the facts of the case; we can’t stop there as it is a reductionist outlook. We must branch each part again into different perspectives, forming a tree of perspectives and nuances of the information we have found. That is the first step to enacting change and showing international solidarity with the citizens of Iran. This isn’t a fight against religion, but rather against the entire regime. To display our support for Iranian women, we must remove the narratives and correlation between women and the hijab, turning the conversation into recognizing other social, political, and economic factors which affect women. We must acknowledge them as equal citizens with rights. We must acknowledge their story and voice, not just what is portrayed by reductionist sources of media and stereotypes.